Ronald Reagan, a former Democrat, used to say, “I didn’t leave the Democrat Party; it left me.” Sen. John Fetterman (D-PA) seems to be undergoing a similar transformation.
Elected as a progressive Democrat who supported Sen. Bernie Sanders's failed run for the presidency, he recently told a reporter, "I'm not a progressive; I just identified myself as a regular Democrat. Now, eight years ago, I was a progressive, but the situation's changed, and I‘ve been clear that I didn‘t leave that label. That label left me.”
Don’t get me wrong, I don’t fully equate Fetterman leaving his party the way Reagan did. He is still a traditional Democrat, but in today’s world, where ideological labels shift on almost a daily basis, some would classify him as conservative, even right-wing.
On the issue of Israel, for example, Fetterman is a bedrock supporter of the Jewish State.
While President Biden tries to play both sides of the fence to placate Muslim voters in Michigan, there is never a doubt as to where Fetterman stands. “I unequivocally support any necessary military, intelligence, and humanitarian aid to Israel,” he stated. “The United States has a moral obligation to be in lockstep with our ally as they confront this threat. I also fully support Israel neutralizing the terrorists responsible for this barbarism.”
It's not just on Israel that Fetterman has bucked his own party.
Unlike many open border proponents that have taken control of the Democratic Party, Fetterman defends the lower and middle-income voters that put him in office. “I honestly don’t understand why it’s controversial to say we need a secure border,” he said.
Even on economic policy, Fetterman has recognized that the government often impedes economic growth and prosperity, especially regarding housing policy and the outrageous home prices and rent increases that have transpired over the past few years.
While the Biden administration and the regulatory zealots in the larger Democratic Party are unfairly targeting what they incorrectly categorize as “price-gouging” landlords for this problem (all because they receive suggested rent price calculations from RealPage and other efficient, market-based, AI-powered software companies), Fetterman knows that the best way to lower costs and to handle the nationwide housing crisis is not to demonize technology companies — it’s to take concrete, proactive steps to reduce government barriers. His recent proposal in Congress is one such example.
Just this week, Fetterman introduced the Reducing Regulatory Barriers to Housing Act, which, if enacted, would address some of the fundamental hurdles to increasing the housing supply.
The bill would provide a mechanism for states and localities to update their antiquated zoning laws, assist in converting outdated land use requirements, and provide a national database for zoning law best practices.
Most importantly, the bill gives the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development authority to work with the EPA to streamline the permitting process under the National Environmental Policy Act, often used by opponents to needlessly delay large housing proposals.
Let’s be clear: Fetterman’s common-sense approach would yield more results than President Biden and the Democrats’ frontal attacks on innovation will.
While the president and his congressional cohorts, fishing for cheap political victories and talking points, are trying to punish landlords for using free market technology that makes the housing market more efficient, Fetterman is addressing real issues.
Fetterman is right that, often, the mass of federal, state, and local regulations is simply too much to navigate — and too costly — which prevents housing projects from ever getting off the ground. Fewer houses mean fewer rental properties available and higher prices. By taking this regulatory monstrosity by the horns, Fetterman is addressing the root of this problem, and that’s more than the rest of his party can say.
If the American people reject the re-election of President Biden, don’t be surprised to see many party bigwigs trek to Pittsburgh for a sit-down with Mr. Fetterman about the party's future. The Democrats did the same thing in 1988 after losing to George W. Bush, and the result was the election of Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton four years later. Americans are not ideologues. They want commonsense solutions, and, on many issues, Mr. Fetterman seems to be at the front of the pack.
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